BajaNomad

Original Baja Families (after the Guaycura!)

Ski Baja - 9-28-2003 at 04:36 PM

I have been spending some time with some of the families in the southern mountains. I will be seeing them regularly as we have become friends. I will be posting about them as things progress. I have some stories and photos about my trips down there at http://groups.msn.com/TheBajasBestGuidesPhotoAlbum Here are some of the gifts I received from them.

Elena La Loca - 9-28-2003 at 04:42 PM

Check w/ a magnifying glass...there just might be "Made In China" written in tiny print on them. ;D Speaking of which, how is our Grinning Gargoyle doing, anybody have the pleasure of a recent visit?

JESSE - 9-28-2003 at 05:01 PM

Or don't go tru a check point with those, you could be arrested on the spot.

David K - 9-28-2003 at 05:29 PM

J.R., have a receipt for the arrowheads. As long as you bought them from, or were given them by Mexican nationals, you are okay (I hope). Foreigners are not allowed to collect and remove 'historic artifacts'. I am sure you know this, but I mention for the others who read this.

Presents

Ski Baja - 9-28-2003 at 08:46 PM

Still a major topic of debate as to the "made in Little Saigon" authenticity of above gifts. When we were hiking, my guides (Federally registered") were looking for "Puntas" the entire time we were out. We didn't find any. I wasn't looking for them. I was more interested in the Zalate.
When we got back to one of the ranchos, they were given to me as a gift.
I prize them more as a gift than as another Asian or Mexican knockoff of something or other to make the all mighty dollar. Or not. If they happen to be real, which I wouldn't spend one dime finding out about, thay will end up where they belong. In a museum. Did you notice I took a picture ? That's how people should save things.
There is no dollar value in gifts and friendship. Something very few Americans have any idea of. Sorry.
And Jesse, I haven't been to "that" country in quite some time so stealing Mexican treasures is not on my agenda. They are not for sale.
Just thought I would try and put some new stuff on some not so used threads Amigos. I get bored looking at this ocean! hahahahahaha

The Guaycuros and the Jesuits

academicanarchist - 10-3-2003 at 07:55 PM

The Guaycuros, Jesuit Missionaries, and Jose de Galvez: The Failure of Spanish Policy in Baja California

Robert H. Jackson

Abstract: Between 1697 and 1767/1768, the Jesuits administered missions in the arid Baja California Peninsula. Because of the limited potential for agriculture on the Peninsula, the Jesuits had to import food from neighboring provinces, and allowed a large part of the mission populations to live in settlements separate from the central mission village, and to support themselves by hunting and collecting wild plant foods. Following the Jesuit expulsion Jose de Galvez attempted to reorganize the missions, and shifted indigenous populations to missions with greater agricultural potential. This essay examines the response of the Guaycuros,, one of the indigenous groups in the Peninsula, to Galvez?s policy.

Entre los anos 1697 y 1767/1768, los jesuitas administraban misiones en Baja California. A cause de la limitada potencia de agricultura en la peninsula, los jesuitas importaban comida de provincias vecinas, y permetia a los neofitos permanecer en aldeas separadas de la cabecera de la mision, donde se mantenia por la caza y explotando plantas silvestres. Despues de la expulsion de los jesuitas, Jose de Galvez trato de reorganizer las misiones, trasladando poblaciones indigenas a misiones con mas potencia de agricultura. Este ensayo examina las respuesta de los Guaycuros, uno de los grupos indigenas en la peninsula, a la politica de Galvez.





















The Guaycurosa, Jesuit Missionaries, and Jose de Galvez: The Failure of Spanish Policy in Baja California

In 1697, a band of Jesuits and soldiers arrived at a site called Concho, and established Nuestra Senora de Loreto mission. In the weeks following the founding of the mission the local natives attacked the small outpost, but failed to dislodge the incipient colony. The Spanish Crown had funded an aborted colony in the arid Baja California Peninsula in the mid-1680s, but then had decided to no longer attempt to colonize the Peninsula. Jesuit Juan Maria Salvatierra petitioned the royal government for permission for the Jesuits to establish missions at their own expense, which was granted. Over the next two decades the Jesuits established more missions in Baja California, and consolidated their presence in the districts surrounding Loreto.
In 1720, the Jesuits expanded south into the Magdalena Desert and the Cape Region that surrounds La Paz, the site of an aborted colony established in the 1530s by Hernan Cortes. The term Guaycuros designates a linguistic group that inhabited the arid Magdalena Desert that stretches between Loreto on the north and La Paz on the south. The Guaycuros were nomadic hunters and gatherers who lived in bands of related families, and generally occupied a clearly defined territory within which they collected food. The Jesuits generally denigrated the Guaycura for their dietary habits (Baegert 1952).
In the 1720s and 1730s, the Jesuits established six missions among the native peoples of the southern Cape region and the Magdalena Desert region. In the far south of the Peninsula the Jesuits encountered a relatively wetter climate that supported agriculture, including more specialized crops such as sugar cane. Moreover, with the establishment of San Jose del Cabo mission in 1730, there was a strategically located settlement that could supply fresh water and provisions to the Manila Galleon that coasted Baja California on its return voyage from Manila to Acapulco on the Pacific Coast of Mexico. The colonial government had pressed the Jesuits for several decades to find a safe port for the Galleon to stop on the long voyage from Manila to Acapulco. The strongest resistance to the new colonial order occurred in the south with uprisings in October of 1734 and again in the early 1740s. Rebels in 1734 killed Jesuit missionaries Lorenzo Carranco and Nicolas Tamaral, and also ambushed the second galleon to stop at San Jose del Cabo. (Burrus 1984: 104-109). The Jesuits attributed the resistance of the natives to their capricious nature, and to the presence of natives of mixed European-indigenous ancestry, the progeny of pearly fishermen and corsairs who had coasted the pearl beds off of the Peninsula for decades.
In 1721, missionary Clemente Guillen, S.J., established a mission known as Dolores del Sur at a site roughly half way between Loreto and La Paz among the Guaicuros. Guillen had been stationed at San Juan Bautista mission, established a short distance south of Loreto in 1705. The site chosen for the mission initially had a large indigenous population but little water for agriculture. By 1721, few neophytes still lived at the mission (Jackson, 1984). Moreover, hostile natives from several neighboring Islands raided the mission (Burrus 1984: 89-92).. Guillen moved the indigenous population of San Juan Bautista south to the site of the new mission described as having lands that could be irrigated from nine springs (Crosby 1994: 104-108).
The Jesuits formally established a second mission in the territory of the Guaycuros named San Luis Gonzaga, in 1737 at a site called Chiriyaki, near Dolores del Sur mission (Burrus 1984: 240-244). However, shortages of Jesuit personnel delayed the arrival of the first permanent resident missionary until the early 1740s. In late 1743, visitador general Juan Antonio Balthasar reported that San Luis was being established on a more permanent basis (Burrus 1984: 206-208). It should also be noted that in the 1730s several Jesuits who spent time at San Miguel visita of Comondu mission congregated and baptized several dozen Guaycuros. One of the Jesuits was William Gordon, who left La Paz following the outbreak of the 1734 rebellion (Jackson 1984: 99-101).
The goal of the missionaries was to create stable and politically autonomous indigenous communities on the model of the pueblos reales of central Mexico. In addition to conversion to Catholicism, the missionaries were to transform the natives into sedentary farmers, ranchers, and craft industrial producers who would participate in the new colonial order as providers of labor to the government and Spanish entrepreneurs and payers of tribute. However, in much of Baja California the Jesuits had to modify the basic elements of the mission program of social-cultural change. Although the Black Robes imported food into the Peninsula from Sinaloa and Sonora, local production and imports generally did not supply the basic food needs of the neophytes. Therefore, the Jesuits had to allow numbers of natives to continue to live in their traditional settlements euphemistically called visitas, or satellite communities. This was the case in the two missions established among the Guaycuros.
The basis of the mission economies generally was Mediterranean-style agriculture, producing wheat, corn, some barley, and small quantities of fruits and vegetables. The missionaries at Dolores del Sur and San Luis Gonzaga had some crops grown on small and irrigated plots of land, but did not produce enough to feed the neophytes (Burrus 1984: 208). Hundreds of Guaycuros lived under minimal supervision from the Jesuits, and continued to live pretty much the way they had prior to the arrival of the Black Robes. Most importantly, the Guaycuros experience minimal change in the organization of labor and time, and did not work in sustained agricultural labor at the two missions. The Jesuits also complained about the continued influence of hechizeros or shaman, and the persistence of traditional religious practices.
In 1768, King Carlos lll ordered the expulsion of the Jesuits from Spain and its dominions, and in Baja California visitador general Jose de Galvez supervised the expulsion and a reorganization of the Peninsula mission system that now came under direct royal authority. One initiative Galvez implemented was to shift native populations to missions with greater agricultural potential, to ensure labor at those sites with the potential to produce larger crops and thus reduce the cost of importing food into the Peninsula. One mission that Galvez targeted was Todos Santos, established as a mission in 1733. The final mission, Todos Santos, first developed as a satellite village of La Paz mission, established because of the availability of water and arable land. The neophytes settled at Todos Santos produced wheat, corn, rice, and sugar (Burrus 1984: 206-208). In 1733, the Jesuit Sigismundo Taraval established an independent mission at Todos Santos named Santa Rosa. Taraval was to direct the continued development of agriculture at Todos Santos (Crosby 1994: 113). Taraval survived the uprising in the year following the establishment of the mission, and wrote the most detailed account of the uprising and its suppression. In 1749, the Jesuits formally combined La Paz and Santa Rosa missions under the rubric of Nuestra Senora del Pilar, the name of La Paz mission, but the establishment was more commonly called Todos Santos.
Todos Santos produced a variety of crops, and was important in Jesuit plans for the continued colonization of the Peninsula. In addition to corn and wheat, the missionaries directed the planting of sugar cane and rice (Burrus 1984: 208). As noted above, operations at the mission included a sugar mill and distillery. Most of the data on agricultural production are from the years following the Jesuit expulsion, and reflect greatly diminished populations and hence small labor forces and less demand for agriculture. But immediately following the Jesuit expulsion, Galvez viewed Todos Santos as one of the missions in Baja California with considerable potential.
The Jesuits stationed in the six southern missions baptized thousands of indigenous peoples. However, disease and rebellion rapidly decimated the neophyte population. The 1734-1737 rebellion resulted in many deaths, and troops were sent from Sinaloa and rapidly spread venereal disease as they had sexual relations with native women. In the aftermath of the uprising epidemics killed hundreds of neophytes. For example, an outbreak in the fall of 1743 killed more than 500 natives at Santiago mission, and the population dropped from some 1,000 to 449 in 1744 following the epidemic. The population of Dolores del Sur and San Luis Gonzaga totaled 1,000 and 516 respectively in 1744, but this number dropped to 458 and 288 twenty-four years later in 1768. The population of Todos Santos was some 500 in 1730, and a mere 83 in 1768 (see Table 1).
Galvez tried to promote agriculture at Todos Santos by relocating more than 700 Guaycuros from Dolores and San Luis Gonzaga to Todos Santos. Galvez ordered the suppression of Dolores and San Luis Gonzaga; and moved the neophytes from those two missions to Todos Santos. The surviving neophytes from Todos Santos went to Santiago mission. Many of the neophytes at Santiago had syphilis, and a surgeon was sent to treat the ill at the mission and those transferred from Todos Santos. At the time doctors treated syphilis with mercury pills, which was as bad as the disease being treated. Galvez had 44 people from San Francisco Xavier moved to San Jose del Cabo. As a result of Galvez?s changes, Todos Santos had a population of 746 Guaycurans, the population of Santiago increased to about 261, and 115 now lived at San Jose del Cabo.
From the perspective of the Crown interested in trying to reduce expenses in Mexico and increase revenue the movement of natives between missions made sense, but his plan backfired because the neophytes could not be transformed into a disciplined labor force in a short period of time. Moreover, a measles epidemic in 1769 decimated the population, and many of the Guaycuros fled Todos Santos. In response to the failure his plan to put the Guaycuros to work farming, Galvez ordered the hiring of an overseer and agricultural workers (Jackson 1986).
In the fourteen years following the redistribution of population a series of epidemics swept through Baja California, culminating with a smallpox outbreak in 1781 to 1782. Some 1,122 lived at three missions following the redistribution of population, but the first epidemic, measles in 1769, killed hundreds. In 1771, only 290 survived. At the end of the 1781 to 1782 smallpox outbreak the population of the three missions further declined to 206 (see Table 1). In 1795, the government ordered the suppression of Santiago mission, and the removal of the neophytes to San Jose del Cabo (Jackson 1986:275). In 1808, the population of the last two missions, Todos Santos and San Jose del Cabo, had stabilized at 191.
The Guaycuros resisted the forced relocation and change in lifestyle, and particularly the introduction of a new economy based upon sustained agricultural labor. The natives of southern Baja California had already proven their willingness to resist the new colonial order in several major uprisings. The devastating epidemics of the 1740s most likely profoundly broke the faith of the indigenous population in their own belief system that could not explain the new and horrible diseases that the Jesuits clearly understood. Traditional shaman offered little to alleviate the suffering of the neophytes. The Guaycuruan population of Dolores del Sur and San Luis Gonzaga certainly experienced the effects of epidemics, but not to the degree as in the missions further south.
Galvez?s relocation of the Guaycuruan to Todos Santos initiated a prolonged crisis that resulted from a major miscalculation on the part of the colonial bureaucrat. Galvez wanted the Guaycuruans to be converted into a labor force overnight, and the neophytes resisted. Francisco Palou, O.F.M., noted that:
The Guaicuros Indians had never settled down in their native missions of La Pasion [Dolores] and San Luis, but lived in the mountains like deer, supporting themselves on wild foods, and attending Mass at the mission when it was the turn of their Village?The visitor [Jose de Galvez] moved all these villages to Todos Santos to live in a settlement. As they were accustomed to live in the woods, it semed hard to them, and they immediately began to run away (Palou 1966: 1: 143).
The Guaycuros fled Todos Santos, and engaged in the theft or destruction of mission property. The Franciscans responded with the use of corporal punishment, an action that backfired. In 1770, a delegation of neophyte leaders from Todos Santos went to Loreto to complain about mistreatment at the hands of the overseer, and shortages of food (Jackson 1986: 276).
Galvez?s policy initiative, while it responded to the pragmatic needs of the Crown, completely misunderstood the realities of the limited social and cultural change the Guaycuros had experienced at Dolores and San Luis Gonzaga missions under the Jesuits. The neophytes had not been converted into a disciplined labor force over three decades under Jesuit tutelage, but were expected to learn new ways of work overnight. The missionaries brought with them a paternalism born of cultural and religious chauvinism, and believed that what they brought to the indigenous neophytes benefited them. A passage in Palou?s account of the troubles at Todos Santos catches a sense of this paternalistic chauvinism.
The new settlers [Guaycuruan neophytes] have been so ungrateful for the good that has been done them in changing their fortunes that they have not been willing to settle down there, and only by threats to remain for a time, but more to destroy what the mission has than to advance it (Palou 1966: 1: 176).

Analysis

The aridity of much of the Baja California Peninsula forced the Jesuits to modify the mission program the Black Robes attempted to impose on the native peoples. One goal of the Jesuits was to congregate the natives in new communities, where the natives would support themselves through agriculture and ranching. This, however, was not possible in most of Baja California, and the Jesuits left a large part of the neophyte populations to live in satellite villages called visitas. The neophytes continued to support themselves through hunting and the collection of wild plant foods, and only visited the main mission village periodically to receive religious instruction.
What did the inability to congregate most of the Guaycuros to a single village mean in terms of the Jesuit program of social, cultural, and religious change? The majority of the Guaycuros, for example, lived in the visitas under minimal supervision from the Jesuits, and the Black Robes complained about the continuing influence of shaman, who challenged the Jesuits for the hearts and minds of the Guaycuros, and delayed the religious conversion of the natives. The fact that the Guaycuros continued to support themselves through hunting and collection also meant that the Jesuits were unable to introduce a new work regime among the natives based on sustained agricultural field work. This last fact would become important following the Jesuit expulsion, when Jose de Galvez ordered the relocation of the Guaycuros to Todos Santos, where the reformer anticipated that the Guaycuros would be put to work growing crops to not only supply their own food needs, but also to produce surpluses to help feed the neophytes at the other missions.
During their tenure on the Baja California Peninsula, the Jesuits imported food mostly from their missions in Sinaloa, Sonora, and the Tarahumara region of Nueva Vizcaya, mostly in the form of alms. The Jesuits colonized Baja California at their own expense, and relied on support from neighboring missions they staffed. The Black Robes stationed Dolores del Sur and San Luis Gonzaga, the two missions established among the Guaycuros, relied heavily on food imports. The situation changed in 1768, with the expulsion of the Jesuits.
King Carlos lll sent Jose de Galvez to Mexico in 1765, with extensive powers to reform, cut costs of government, and to increase royal revenue. Galvez supervised the removal of the Jesuits, and then spent time on the northern frontier to introduce reform. He spent time in Baja California, where he organized the expedition to colonize San Diego in Alta California. He also attempted to reorganize the missions to minimize the cost to the government of supporting the missions that now came under royal authority. Galvez shifted populations between missions in order to bring more labor to sites with agricultural potential. Galvez wanted to promote agriculture in the Peninsula so that the government would not have to carry the cost of importing food to the missions, as the Jesuits had done for decades.
Galvez ordered the closing of Dolores del Sur and San Luis Gonzaga, two missions that he considered to be marginal because of the limited agriculture production at the two sites, and the relocation of the Guaycuros to Todos Santos. His plan to put the natives to work producing crops failed. The relocation to a new home and the use of force to put to Guaycuros backfired. The natives fled, or resisted in a variety of ways including the destruction of mission property. A delegation of Guaycuro leaders also went to Loreto, the capital of Baja California, to complain about their treatment at the hands of the resident Franciscan missionary, who used corporal punishment. Galvez eventually had to hire settlers to work the mission lands, which defeated the purpose of Galvez?s plan to shift populations between missions.
The expulsion of the Jesuits and particularly the movement of personnel to and through the Peninsula on the way to San Diego spread epidemics through the missions that decimated the neophyte populations. In 1768, the neophyte population of Todos Santos was small, and infected by syphilis. Galvez relocated some 700 Guaycuros to Todos Santos, yet within several years only a small percentage of the population survived. In 1771, 180 Guaycuros survived. Epidemics and the effects of syphilis greatly reduced the Guaycuros population during the fifty years following the Jesuit expulsion, and by 1821 the group was near the point of cultural and biological extinction.
The Jesuit policy towards the Guaycuros buffered the natives from the most adverse effects of Spanish colonization, except for the spread of Old World crowd diseases. One important aspect of Jesuit policy was the control of personnel from the mainland and the Peninsula. This changed following the expulsion of the Jesuits, and the arrival of Jose de Galvez with his plans for reform. The Guaycuros populations of Dolores del Sur and San Luis Gonzaga declined during the Jesuit period, but depopulation accelerated following their expulsion, as a direct consequence of Galvez?s policies. The expulsion of the Jesuits proved to be disastrous for the Guaycuros.


















Table 1: Population of the Southern Baja California Missions, in Selected Years

Year Dolores
Del Sur
Santiago San Jose
Del Cabo Todos Santos San Luis Gonzaga
1730 946 500
1733 1040
1742 1000
1744 1000 449 516
1755 624 232 73 151 352
1762 573 198 63 93 300
1768 458 178 71 83 288
1771 70 50 170
1773 75 51 180
1774 72 50 155
1782 43 28 135
1786 36 143 159
1790 32 62 90
1791 23 62 90
1794 70 102 78
1795 84 80
1796 70 75
1797 77 80
1798 81 81
1799 78 74
1800 78 88
1801 77 80
1802 83 79
1803 88 87
1804 83 79
1806 92
1808 109 82
1813 107
Source: Robert H. Jackson, ?Demographic Change in the Missions of Southern Baja California,? Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology 8:2 (1986), 273-279; Robert H. Jackson, Indian Population Decline: The Missions of Northwestern New Spain, 1687-1840 (Albuquerque, 1994), 167-168.










Bibliography

Baegert, S.J., Johann, Observations in Lower California. Trans. And ed. M. M. 1952. Brandenburg.
Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press.

Burrus, S.J.,ErnestJesuit Relations-Baja California.
1984.
Los Angeles, Dawson?s Bookshop.

Crosby, Harry, Antigua California: Mission and Colony on the Peninsula
1994. Frontier, 1697-1767.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.

Jackson, Robert H., ?Demographic Patterns in the Missions of Central Baja 1984. California.? Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology.
6: 91-112.

Jackson, Robert H., , ?Patterns of Demographic Change in the Missions of 1986. Southern Baja California.? Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology.
8:2 :273-279.

Palou, O.F.M., Francisco, Historical Memoirs of New California, 4 vols., trans. and 1966. ed. Herbert E. Bolton. New York: McMillan.








Speedy Gonzalez - 5-6-2004 at 04:10 PM

Quote:

When we were hiking, my guides (Federally registered") were looking for "Puntas" the entire time we were out.


:rolleyes: Federally registered guides are not supposed to look for "puntas" with tourists...

touqoise

oldguy - 5-11-2004 at 09:02 AM

That gold flecked tourqoise is lovely. Is it found in Baja? Does anyone know of a source? TIA

Not supposed to.

jrbaja - 5-18-2004 at 11:10 PM

And Judiciales are not supposed to take bribes either.
The difference being, my things aren't for sale but will be on exhibit for the people to see rather than the usual disappearance of the artifacts.
And after numerous visits to these areas and helping the communities with anything I can, I am not really considered a "tourist" but more of a gringo pain in the arse. Know what I mean ?
Besides that, I don't remember where I left them anyway. But it was somewhere south I'm pretty sure. Maybe the La Paz museum. Or was it El Triunfu?

A Pain in the A.....?

academicanarchist - 5-19-2004 at 04:46 AM

Ski/Jr. You, a pain in the ar.....? Tell me it isn't so! Interesting photos, as usual.