BajaNews
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Time For A New Approach To Mexico
http://www.fpri.org/enotes/201012.danelo.mexico.html
By David J. Danelo
As 2010 ends, U.S. diplomats have spent less energy on holiday festivities and instead are working overtime to prevent trust with foreign governments
from evaporating after thousands of leaked documents became public. Despite the outcry over the consequences of secret U.S. government activities
being made public, the released diplomatic cables offer surprisingly little new information about events occurring in much of the world. Interested
observers already know Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi is a hedonistic cad and Vladimir Putin is the power behind Russia’s kleptocracy. Instead of stunning
secrets, most of the messages show the limitations of U.S. policy as leaders confront messy and all too real twenty-first century geopolitical
dilemmas.
This includes Mexico, where the WikiLeaks revelations illustrate and clarify circumstances widely assumed to be true. Since October 2009, Mexican
officials have expressed fears of losing control of Mexico’s north to U.S. authorities. The United States has responded with increased intelligence
sharing and tactical cooperation, including direct partnership with Drug Enforcement Administration agents, as well as the Mexican Navy and Marine
Corps. Despite these efforts, U.S. officials express frustration with the lack of cooperation between Mexico’s various military and law enforcement
agencies, which has resulted in a fragmented capacity to establish long-term and credible partnerships.
Last month, my E-Note focused on the geopolitics of northern Mexico – a region that U.S. officials must understand if they intend to develop an
enduring security partnership with Mexico City. Just because a strategy has been effective in one particular region does not mean it will work in
another. Although Baja California remains plagued by sporadic violence, this area has gone from being one of the most dangerous in
Mexico to among the safest. As we know from recent headlines, the strategies in the Sierra Madres and Rio Grande Basin have failed to restore
security. Since regional success does not always translate, U.S. and Mexican authorities must look to develop regional guiding principles they can use
when planning for ongoing and future challenges.
Although Baja California is not fully stable – 13 drug addicts were murdered at a Tijuana clinic in October 2010 – a decisive shift towards peace
began to occur over the past year. In January, authorities captured Teodoro García Simental, a drug lord with a fondness for boiling his enemies in
lye. Additionally, although the Mexican military maintained both a regular and visible presence, commanders made a strategic decision not to conduct
operations in Baja California’s major cities of Tijuana, Ensenada, and Mexicali. These events contributed to a sense that Baja California was ready
for major business investment, which has fueled a perception that security forces have the upper hand.
Two things are noteworthy about Baja California’s modest degree of success. First, Mexico’s federal and state police were the lead agencies in
attacking García Simental’s cartel, and their effectiveness is admirable and worthy of commendation. Second, it is important to acknowledge what did
not happen. Neither the United States nor Mexico significantly changed any gun or drug laws. Mexico’s police and military, at least in Baja
California, appear to have sufficiently increased their security capacity. Although Mexico has taken down other cartel kingpins, Baja’s subsequent
turnaround and stabilization represents the only strategic success story in northern Mexico.
Why has this small victory been difficult to replicate in other areas? Baja California’s small population is primarily located in urban centers near
the U.S.-Mexico border. Additionally, the rural areas in Baja have poorly developed roads and scant vegetation, making it difficult for drug
traffickers to develop and conceal hideouts. Consequently, authorities require fewer resources to build counter-narcotics operations in Baja
California than are necessary in the Sierra Madres and Rio Grande Basin. The actual and perceived legitimacy of federal and state police in Baja
California, and the willingness of the military to play a supporting rather than supported role – especially in urban areas – also made the strategy
effective. Instead of taking a lead operational role in developing actionable intelligence, Mexican soldiers stationed in the region operated
primarily as screeners at fixed checkpoints and as a quick reaction force for federal police. [1] This reinforced the perception of Mexico’s reformed
Federal Police as the “face” of the operation, which likely increased institutional cooperation and (somewhat) reduced the perception of widespread
police corruption.
While maintaining a discreet presence in the background was important in Baja, the Mexican military should not necessarily keep the same low profile
in the Sierra Madres. As the Caucasus and the Scottish Highlands have illustrated, the mountains have often been difficult for governments to tame.
The Mexican military and federal police do not have enough personnel to secure the rugged terrain in Sonora and Chihuahua, which is no easier for
vehicles to traverse than it once was for horses. Absent the authorities, most of the area is under the Sinaloa Cartel’s de facto control. Headed by
Joaquin “Shorty” Guzman, #937 on the 2009 Forbes roster of the world’s 1,000 wealthiest billionaires, the Sinaloa Cartel is widely seen as Mexico’s
most powerful drug trafficking organization.
Because the Mexican military does not possess the resources to win a protracted fight with the Sinaloa Cartel, the “hands off” strategy in rural
Sonora and Chihuahua is more problematic. Mexico’s defense secretariat has organized the Mexican Army divisions differently than the geopolitical
regions identified in this article. Under Mexican Army structure, Baja California and Sonora have been placed under the same division command. [2] But
unlike the case of Baja California, the terrain in Sonora, strength of the enemy, and nature of the threat requires more troops for rural patrolling
than Mexican forces have available. This lack of resources means the Sinaloa Cartel and their rival drug traffickers can support operations
indefinitely from rural bases. The security void in the surrounding highlands is one of the many reasons why Ciudad Juarez has become the murder
capital of the world.
Issues north of the border also contribute to the local security vacuum. The six Mexican states bordering California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas
have developed varying degrees of security partnerships with mirroring U.S. states. Many are ad hoc, and some have been formalized with political
compacts. In 2006, Arizona and Sonora formed an official police partnership, which enabled authorities to share information, coordinate
investigations, listen in on common radio frequencies, and develop joint operations at a direct state-to-state level.
But the Mexican state of Sonora now maintains a caustic and temperamental attitude towards Arizona, which has reduced security cooperation between
state officials. Although intelligence sharing and operational partnership were once robust, cooperation became less effective when Sonora’s
government protested Arizona’s controversial illegal immigration law. This development is a setback for everyone except drug cartels, who continue to
fight over control of Ciudad Juarez and the surrounding regions.
During the past year, the Rio Grande Basin has witnessed the sharpest shift in conditions on the ground. Violence has spiked significantly since
February, when the Sinaloa Cartel declared an alliance between the Gulf Cartel and La Familia Michoacán against the regional power Los Zetas. The
Zetas responded by establishing roadblocks on a major intercontinental highway and ambushing two downtown Monterrey hotels. Prior to 2010, Monterrey,
the wealthiest city in Mexico, had not been impacted by the drug wars. Home to many of Latin America’s most prestigious colleges, Monterrey had
enjoyed an informal “cease fire” for decades; both cartel leaders and government officials sent their children to universities like Monterrey Tech, a
school often considered as Mexico’s equivalent to MIT. This status as safe zone no longer exists.
The conditions that led to deteriorating security in the Rio Grande Basin are similar to those in Sonora and Chihuahua: federal and state authorities
cannot control rural areas, which gives cartel leaders the bases they need to conduct operations in cities. The biggest difference is that instability
in and around Monterrey is more politically significant than chaos in Ciudad Juarez. Both literally and figuratively, the Sierra Madres are remote.
Although President Felipe Calderon certainly would like to defeat the Sinaloa Cartel, he can tolerate their dominance of the mountains. But Mexico
City cannot tolerate terror in Monterrey.
This is a vulnerability that Los Zetas have exploited. By attacking Monterrey this year, Los Zetas have forced the Mexican government into
overreacting in urban areas throughout the Rio Grande Basin and exposed their lack of authority in the rural regions. This has enabled the weakened
Los Zetas to fight back against the cartel alliance. It has also fueled an academic debate over whether or not Mexico is facing an insurgency, which
has only intensified sniping between Washington, D.C. and Mexico City, rather than their working together to develop a better strategy for defeating
their common enemies.
Since 2006, when the United States reached an agreement with Mexico on what is now called the Merida Initiative, critics have referred derisively to
the cooperative effort as “Plan Mexico,” comparing the effort to the U.S. assistance given to Colombia during the previous three decades. Ironically,
many policy experts are now offering Plan Colombia as a success story and suggesting the U.S. military partnership could be replicated in Mexico.
Although building the Mexican military’s capacity and offering technical assistance will continue to be valuable, these proposals offer little
substance in addressing the regional issues that form the heart of the problem.
While U.S. military cooperation with Colombia has certainly reduced the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia’s operational capabilities and
diminished their influence throughout the country, the Colombian example is not a useful model for structuring solutions in Mexico. Although
institution building within Mexico’s judiciary and federal police has paid dividends, most recently in Baja California, Mexico’s government does not
seek a robust partnership with the U.S. military. Most funding through the Merida Initiative has been designated for technical hardware, such as
helicopters and unmanned surveillance aircraft. In contrast, Plan Colombia focused on training and “mentorship” through U.S. Special Forces, which
granted wide ranging covert latitude for American troops to operate by, with, and through Colombian soldiers. If Mexico is working closely with the
U.S. military – and recent reports suggest this is the case – they certainly do not want their citizens to know. [3]
Although the violence in Mexico has certain similarities with the troubles Colombia has confronted, the structural and geopolitical differences
suggest that an identical approach to Plan Colombia is neither possible nor wise. Unlike the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), Mexico’s
drug cartels have no desire to reshape their country in accordance with Marxist ideology. In their behavior and strategy, Mexico’s narcotics groups
seem to have more in common with Somali pirates than Colombian rebels: both groups seek to create anarchy so they can exploit the defenseless and
dominate local markets.
Like Somali pirates in East Africa’s coastal villages, Los Zetas and their ilk have thrived in power voids, stealing money from merchants and becoming
minor celebrities within their respective regions. While Colombia faced a political insurgency, Mexico confronts something like land piracy. The drug
kingpins are bandits, shameless and powerful, sailing untouched through the mountains, marauding wantonly in their fleets of pickup trucks and SUVs.
But the absence of politics does not make Mexico’s problems any less virulent. Analysts should pause before dismissing the drug violence as “only a
criminal problem” simply because the Sinaloa Cartel lacks a political ideology.
As we have seen from the leaked diplomatic cables, it hardly seems conspiratorial to state that covert cooperation is active within elements of the
U.S. and Mexican defense departments. But secret operations and public support of police reform are not adequate strategies. Indeed, covertly
approaching the problem prevents both the U.S. and Mexican governments from taking the necessary step of developing an overt legal and diplomatic
framework for security cooperation along the U.S.-Mexico border. The U.S.-Mexico Water Treaty in 1944, the La Paz Agreement in 1983 and the NAFTA Free
Trade Zone in 1994 created cross-border corridors, established bi-national authorities, and provided geographic structure to partnerships. These
treaties have been imperfect, but they have succeeded in unifying policy efforts at local, state and federal levels. The last security agreement
publicly ratified by both the United States and Mexican Congress was the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, which ended the Mexican-American War.
Since national security interests today are shaped by variables different from those in the mid-nineteenth century, it seems reasonable to update the
doctrine that restricts tactical cooperation along the U.S.-Mexico border. For example, the boundary line between the United States and Mexico
currently runs down the center of the Rio Grande, which was designated an international waterway in 1848 to facilitate cotton exports to Brownsville
and Matamoros. This law prevents both the United States and Mexico from using their navies to patrol the river. Given the violence on both sides, as
well as their history of nautical cooperation, U.S. and Mexican authorities could update the treaty to account for the current threat.
The goal of U.S. policy should be a partnership with Mexico that seeks not only to build institutions and enhance capacity, but also to restore
security to the Sierra Madres and Rio Grande Basin. Achieving this objective will require sustained investment of trust and resources from both
countries, something often easier said than done. “The people of the United States like to believe that political will and good intentions can solve
most human dilemmas,” wrote historian T. R. Fehrenbach. “They often find it hard to understand Mexicans, who know better. Yet both heritages are vital
parts of the American whole, and together they will forge its future.” [4] The implications of northern Mexico’s geopolitics offer this resounding
lesson for confronting border instability: if the United States and Mexico do not hang together, then forces far more powerful than fretful diplomatic
cables will eventually hang them separately.
---
About the author: David Danelo graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy and served seven years as an infantry officer in the Marine Corps. His first
book, Blood Stripes: The Grunt’s View of the War in Iraq (Stackpole Books, 2006), was awarded the 2006 Silver Medal (Military History) by the Military
Writers Society of America. His most recent book is The Border: Exploring the U.S.-Mexican Divide (Stackpole Books, 2008). He is a Senior Fellow in
FPRI’s Program on National Security. This article first appeared at FPRI ( http://www.fpri.org ) and is reprinted with permission.
---
Notes
1. I reached this conclusion from published reports, interviews with off duty Mexican soldiers stationed in Baja California, and personal
observations. A Mexican soldier stationed in Baja California said in two years of being deployed, his unit encountered only one combat engagement. In
2009, at a rural location, Mexican federal police requested military vehicles, weaponry, and personnel as covering fire for an immediate takedown of a
cartel safe house. The soldier said he provided suppressive fire from a mounted .50 caliber machine gun for the federal police, who completed the
entry and takedown of the safe house. In other cities (Ciudad Juarez; Nuevo Laredo), soldiers, not police, remain the operational lead.
2. Mexico is organized into twelve military commands, and the zones are identified by roman numerals. Baja California and Sonora are in Zone II.
Chihuahua and Coahuila: Zone XI. Nuevo Leon and Tamaulipas: Zone IV. See Mexico’s government web site: http://www.sedena.gob.mx
3. King, Tim. “Mexico Denies U.S. Special Forces Presence South of the Border,” Salem News.com, October 5, 2010.
4. T.R. Fehrenbach, Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico (New York: Da Capo Press, 1973, 1995), quoted from the forward, September 1994
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DENNIS
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| Quote: | Originally posted by BajaNews
Because the Mexican military does not possess the resources to win a protracted fight with the Sinaloa Cartel, |
It takes on new meaning when the experts voice this opinion. I guess someone has a good idea of the numbers of combatants in the cartel employ. I've
never seen these estimates, but I'll bet it would take my breath away.
I'm beginning to seriously wonder how much longer I can ignore the escalating danger.
Anybody out there still think this place is safer than Los Angeles or wherever ??
Wake up.
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bajalera
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Right on, Dennis. You wouldn't catch me camping out alongside the road anymore.
\"Very few things happen at the right time, and the rest never happen at all. The conscientious historian will correct these defects.\" -
Mark Twain
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JESSE
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The article is full of mistakes, if the person writting it doen't even know basic stuff like in Baja it was the municipal police NOT the federal
police who waged war against the cartels, then you can't accept it as a responsible and accurate report.
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DENNIS
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| Quote: | Originally posted by JESSE
The article is full of mistakes, if the person writting it doen't even know basic stuff like in Baja it was the municipal police NOT the federal
police who waged war against the cartels, then you can't accept it as a responsible and accurate report. |
You dismiss the information too easily. Besides, it's been my observation that Municipal Police are those most easily influenced by "Plata o Plomo"
and the easiest to eliminate.
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bajaguy
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Mood: must be 5 O'clock somewhere in Baja
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Really????
| Quote: | Originally posted by BajaNews
3. King, Tim. “Mexico Denies U.S. Special Forces Presence South of the Border,” Salem News.com, October 5, 2010.
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Hmmmmmmmmmmmmmm
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JESSE
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| Quote: | Originally posted by DENNIS
| Quote: | Originally posted by JESSE
The article is full of mistakes, if the person writting it doen't even know basic stuff like in Baja it was the municipal police NOT the federal
police who waged war against the cartels, then you can't accept it as a responsible and accurate report. |
You dismiss the information too easily. Besides, it's been my observation that Municipal Police are those most easily influenced by "Plata o Plomo"
and the easiest to eliminate. |
If the guy doesn't even know who the main players are, then how can you take other things seriously?
And its not about observations, the entire city knows it was the Tijuana PD with coronel Julian Leyzaola at the helm who battled the cartels. The
federal police did nothing.
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DENNIS
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| Quote: | Originally posted by JESSE
And its not about observations, the entire city knows it was the Tijuana PD with coronel Julian Leyzaola at the helm who battled the cartels. The
federal police did nothing. |
Then, it wasn't a national trend that Municipales fought on the front lines. It was a Tijuana / Leyzaola effort.
OK....
It's next to impossible for anyone, even Mexicans, to get stories straight here. Facts, for some reason, arn't easily given up. Was there anything
right about the Danelo report or did he wander too deep into that "Labrynth of Solitude" that Mexicans say only they can understand?
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BajaGringo
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| Quote: | Originally posted by DENNIS
Was there anything right about the Danelo report or did he wander too deep into that "Labrynth of Solitude" that Mexicans say only they can
understand? |
I think the following observation is right on:
| Quote: |
...the mountains have often been difficult for governments to tame. The Mexican military and federal police do not have enough personnel to secure the
rugged terrain in Sonora and Chihuahua, which is no easier for vehicles to traverse than it once was for horses.
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The US military is facing the same problem with about the same degree of success in the mountain region between Afghanistan and Pakistan...
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Dave
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Horse S#!^
| Quote: | Originally posted by BajaNews
Because the Mexican military does not possess the resources to win a protracted fight with the Sinaloa Cartel, |
According to Globalfirepower, http://www.globalfirepower.com/ Mexico has the 19th largest military IN THE WORLD with hundreds of thousands of armed troops, APC's,
RPG's, anti-tank missiles, mortars, howitzers, machine guns and other similar sophisticated weapons. If it chose to commit its
resources it could easily defeat the cartels... ALL of them.
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sanquintinsince73
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It's hard to single them out much less hit them when they are mixed in with the populace. What helps the cartels alot also is their ability to "buy"
just about anybody. Money talks and the cartels have billions.
[Edited on 1-19-2011 by sanquintinsince73]
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mariposajim
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The drug cartel problem will not be solved via the security-first approach. The drug cartels and associated violence are the result of modern
cultural changes in Mexico. In addition, this and most other discussions about the cartel violence in Mexico misses a very important point.
THE DRUGS AND HUGE AMOUNTS OF MONEY MOVE
NORTHWARD ACROSS THE BORDER INTO THE US.
GUNS MOVE SOUTHWARD INTO MEXICO TO FUEL
THE VIOLENCE.
The money laundering and gun-running profits are very important to US interests. In addition, the border region is already lost to Mexico AND the US.
DEA agents in the Texas region will not even mention the "Z" word.
For an excellent discussion on these issues see a new book entitled AMEXICA, by Ed V. (sorry can't remember his last name).
Jim
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DENNIS
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| Quote: | Originally posted by mariposajim
The drug cartels and associated violence are the result of modern cultural changes in Mexico. |
What might those changes be? I would begin by saying "poverty and unemployment" but there's nothing modern about that.
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DENNIS
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| Quote: | Originally posted by mariposajim
For an excellent discussion on these issues see a new book entitled AMEXICA, by Ed V. (sorry can't remember his last name).
Jim |
Reviews on this book were a flip of the coin.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/nov/07/amexica-ed-vulli...
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durrelllrobert
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| Quote: | Originally posted by Dave
[
According to Globalfirepower, http://www.globalfirepower.com/ Mexico has the 19th largest military IN THE WORLD with hundreds of thousands of armed troops, APC's,
RPG's, anti-tank missiles, mortars, howitzers, machine guns and other similar sophisticated weapons. If it chose to commit its
resources it could easily defeat the cartels... ALL of them. |
...and their webb site states: "This is a
personal and experimental site meant for entertainment and to stir up dialogue.
[Edited on 1-19-2011 by durrelllrobert]
Bob Durrell
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Woooosh
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"Baja California... has gone from being one of the most dangerous in Mexico to among the safest."
Hindsight? You'd never get anyone in Baja (or the Union Tribune) to admit we had a dangerous crime problem in Baja, let alone that it has passed.
When it was bad, everyone blamed the media for making things looks worse than they were. You haven't seen bad yet, it's coming. Even the tough
street guys say "it's crazy out there right now." The players have arrived in Rosarito- they are gearing up and importing more troops for a fight,
and I'm not talking the military.
[Edited on 1-19-2011 by Woooosh]
\"The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing\"
1961- JFK to Canadian parliament (Edmund Burke)
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Bajahowodd
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Speaking About The "Z: Word
From today's Los Angeles Times-
Reporting from Mexico City — Mexican authorities said Tuesday that they have arrested a founding member of the notorious Zetas gang who oversaw the
smuggling of drugs and migrants in southern Mexico.
Flavio Mendez Santiago, 35, and a bodyguard were captured Monday in the southern state of Oaxaca, from which Mendez allegedly relayed drug shipments
and moved migrants from Central and South America north to the U.S. border.
The former soldier allegedly joined the Zetas when the gang was formed in the 1990s by ex-members of elite military units. He was among Mexico's 37
most wanted drug suspects, 20 of whom have been arrested or killed.
He appeared before cameras Tuesday with close-cropped hair and dressed in a black shirt.
The Zetas once served as hit men for the Gulf cartel in northern Mexico, but they broke away early last year in a turf war that has terrorized the
border states of Tamaulipas and Nuevo Leon. The gang has branched into migrant smuggling, selling pirated goods, kidnapping and extortion, and it now
operates across much of southern Mexico.
Migrant-rights activists say Zeta gunmen kidnap U.S.-bound migrant groups to extort money. In December, Mexican officials said they were investigating
the disappearance of about 50 migrants traveling atop a freight train.
The Zetas are blamed for the massacre in Tamaulipas last year of 72 migrants from Central and South America.
Officials said Mendez, also known as "the Yellow One," once served as bodyguard to Osiel Card##as Guillen, the former chief of the Gulf cartel now
imprisoned in the United States. Mexican federal police said they found safe houses in three states and Mexico City that Mendez was using to hide
contraband and kidnapping victims.
His alleged activities stretched into Guatemala, to which officials say he traveled in 2008 with the aim of freeing an imprisoned Zeta commander,
Daniel Perez Rojas, who was sentenced to 43 years there last year on various charges. As The Times reported in 2009, the spread of Mexican drug gangs
into Guatemala and elsewhere in Central America has stirred fears that the criminals could overwhelm historically weak governments.
Guatemalan President Alvaro Colom last month declared a state of siege and ordered the army to crack down in a remote swath along the border with
Mexico where drug smugglers have used clandestine airstrips to move drugs.
ken.ellingwood@latimes.com
Copyright © 2011, Los Angeles Times
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