David K
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Why and how the Franciscans turned Baja over to the Dominicans
['sargentodiaz' asked if I would share this on Baja Nomad and Talk Baja]
In Peveril Meigs 1935 book, 'The Dominican Mission Frontier of Lower California' he details how it came to be that the Franciscans would release
Antigua (Old) California (the peninsula) to the Dominicans and focus their work only on Nueva (New) California: (Edited from the book to show better
here)
(BAJA) CALIFORNIA'S HISTORY 1769 into 1773
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PART ONE
THE CONQUEST OF A FRONTIER INTRODUCTION
THE NETWORK OF MISSIONS founded under the Dominicans in the latter part of the eighteenth century in northern Baja California established there a new
and distinct culture landscape. Although at the very doorway of Alta California, these missions have remained almost unknown. A geographic analysis of
them has not heretofore been attempted, and history has so greatly neglected them that the very existence of the last two missions has been overlooked
or questioned.* The present study, based upon field work from 1925 to 1929 and upon such written knowledge as is available, delineates this almost
forgotten scene of activity.
I. AN INHERITED FRONTIER
A BREAK IN THE MISSION CHAIN
THE MISSION SYSTEM of the Californias, starting from the original foundation at Loreto in 1697, grew link by link under the labors of Jesuits until it
included the entire Peninsula as far north as Santa Maria (just south of 30° N; see fig. 1). In 1768 Franciscans replaced Jesuits as the directors of
the Californian establishments. The first mission founded by the newcomers, San Fernando de Velicata, merely extended by a few leagues the area
conquered by their predecessors and served as a base for further conquests to the north (Sauer and Meigs, 1927). Instead of continuing north slowly
and steadily, however, the Franciscans built their second mission, San Diego, one hundred twenty leagues beyond Velicata, leaving open the intervening
gap.
In the exploratory trips north from Velicata and San Diego in 1769, numerous attractive sites for missions were noted by the several Franciscan
diarists, who also observed that gentiles existed in numbers along the entire route. The Franciscans favored continuing the chain unbroken, but the
new civil policy of Galvez, requiring immediate occupation of the two great ports, prevailed, and Serra, president of the California missions, soon
became a most ardent advocate of the prior settlement of Nueva California.
The strategic northern bases once occupied, both civil and religious authorities were anxious for the speedy occupation of the intervening areas.
Viceroy Armona lamented the long, unprotected gap,(1) and on November 12,1770, ordered that new missions be founded with all possible haste, five
between Velicata and San Diego and five between San Diego and Monterey.(2) By the end of 1772 three new missions had filled in the northern gap,
between San Diego and Monterey, but the southern gap remained open, and bad weather for nearly a year prevented the friars destined to found the
latter missions from reaching California (Palou, 1874: 126). In November, 1772, they finally arrived at Loreto, the political and religious
headquarters of the Peninsula, but no soldiers were available there for the proposed foundations, so the new arrivals were distributed among the
missions already existing in Baja California, and expansion was perforce temporarily suspended (ibid.: 163-164). The Franciscan authorities demanded
more soldiers (ibid.: 153), but before the necessary steps were taken the mission field of the whole Peninsula, in April, 1772,(3) was assigned to the
Dominicans.
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* The statement by Engelhardt (1908, 1:513), quoting Bancroft in part, that "the Dominicans have left no account of their labors," fails to consider
the interesting letters by the Dominican, Luis Sales; published in 1794.
The Board of Research of the University of California contributed support to the later field expeditions.
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THE ADMISSION OF THE DOMINICANS TO CALIFORNIA
The Dominican order of Preaching Friars, though never so powerful in New Spain as the Franciscans, had nevertheless a venerable background of
missionary experience. The very invention of the mission system had been made by a Dominican, the Vicar Pedro de Cordova, about 1512, as a substitute
for the encomienda system. Under the direction of the Dominican, Bartolome de las Casas, the mission idea was tested between 1537 and 1539, with
complete success, in Guatemala (Richman: 36-41).
The principal Dominican field of activity in New Spain was Oaxaca. In the north the Dominicans were the first to make successful headway in the Sierra
Gorda region (now Queretaro), where by the end of the seventeenth century they were operating at least six successful missions, and later they worked
here in cooperation with Franciscans of the College of San Fernando. The Sierra Gorda experience may have served at least in part as preparation for
the later harmony between the two orders in California, and for the great similarity in the mission foundations of Alta and Baja California.
The extension of the Dominican field to California seems to have been brought about by the activity of the Dominican Procurator of Mexico, Fray Juan
Pedro de Iriarte y Laurnaga. Upon the expulsion of the Jesuits, he petitioned for a share in the conversion of the west coast of California. He
requested in particular the possession of the missions in the vicinity of San Ignacio and, with these as a foundation, the privilege of extending the
spiritual conquests to the north, explaining that the many good ports of that part of California would thereby be more secure against foreign
encroachment (Sales, part 3: 10-16).
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1 Letter to Croix, June 30, 1770:7.
2 Palou, 1874, 1: 126-129; the standard authority on the Franciscan period.
3 Palou (chaps. 29-30) gives the history of the transfer from the Franciscan, and Sales (1794, part 3:8-49) from the Dominican point of view.
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His Majesty immediately wrote to the Viceroy of Mexico demanding advice on the matter. The Viceroy consulted Galvez, who, in a letter of June
10, 1769, replied that it would be inadvisable to grant the Dominican petition, as the Franciscans were making as rapid progress as could be desired
in the Peninsula, and had every prospect of continuing to do so (Palou, 1874: 229-233). To this reason the Viceroy, in his report to the King, added
that mixing the two orders would give opportunity for inquietude on the Peninsula (Sales, part 3 : 9). Nothing daunted by the adverse reports from the
royal representatives in America, Iriarte renewed his plea, emphasizing the argument that "it was not right that one order alone, and much less a
single monastery or college, should occupy a peninsula as large as that of California" (ibid.: 234). Galvez and the Viceroy then decided that there
was plenty of work for both Franciscans and Dominicans in California, and the King, in a decree dated April 8, 1771, commanded the Viceroy to assign
to the Dominicans, in the person of Iriarte, "the districts and places that are suitable of those that they request, with total separation and
independence from those which the Franciscan Religious occupy" (Sales, part 3: 1Qc-17) .
Iriarte immediately circulated among the Dominicans in Spain an appeal for volunteers to serve in California. The response was ardent. Two hundred men
answered the call, though only twenty-six, the number granted by the King, could be accepted. Of those who came to America ( one became sick and was
left behind in Cadiz) , thirteen were from Castille, eight from ******, and four from Andalucia.(4) They reached Vera Cruz on August 19, 1771, and
from there went to Mexico City to await the division of California between the two orders (Sales, part 3: 45-47).
THE DIVISION OF CALIFORNIA
The Viceroy permitted the Dominican and Franciscan leaders to discuss the division among themselves. The result was a "Concordat," signed on April 7,
1772, by Verger, Guardian of the Franciscan College of San Fernando, and Iriarte, Dominican Procurator (Palou, 1874: 236-240). By its terms, the
Dominicans were to take charge of the old Jesuit missions of Peninsular California and the frontier of Velicata, extending their new conversions north
nearly to San Diego. Their last mission was to be placed on the arroyo of San Juan Bautista (later San :Miguel), selected, no doubt, because it had
been the last good mission site found south of San Diego on the exploring expeditions of 1769.(5)
This agreement gave the Dominicans more than they had asked for. The Franciscans, too, were satisfied, for they had noted on the expeditions of 1769
that much of the Peninsula was of scant utility, not only as a mission field, but also as a route for sending supplies to the more valuable country
beyond. Trouble with the civil authorities further detracted from its desirability. The first difficulty arose from a system of regulations imposed by
Galvez which made the support of the missions almost impossible. This led all the missionaries toward the end of 1769 to beg Palou to resign the
temporal care of the missions, so that, should the new regulations result in their ruin, the Franciscans would not be blamed (ibid.: 90-93). He
agreed, but his messenger failed to reach Galvez. By the end of 1771, interference of Governor Barri with the management of the Indians at the Mission
of Todos Santos had resulted in such insubordination on their part that Palou felt compelled to resign control of that mission and to ask that
measures be taken to remedy conditions . .As a result, the Guardian requested of the Viceroy (December 23,1771) that seven of the southern, former
Jesuit missions (which he enumerated) be taken over by the Dominican Fathers, or others, the Franciscans to retain Loreto, San Jose Cumundu, San
Ignacio, Santa Gertrudis, and San Borja (ibid.: 151-154) .
An examination of the condition of the missions, as set forth by Palau himself in a report of February 12, 1772, shows that the missions which the
Franciscans wished to hand over to the Dominicans were the ones of least value, because of poor site, unruliness of Indians, or scanty population, and
that those which they wished to retain were the strongest in number of inhabitants or desirability of site. Had the Franciscan request been granted, a
distinct mixing of the two orders would have resulted, contrary to the express orders of the King .
After writing to his College, Palou sent Fray Ramos de Lora, former missionary of Todos Santos, to communicate directly with the Viceroy, to see if
some other religious group might take charge of the southern missions. Leaving Loreto in January, Fray Ramos reached Mexico in March, and his
influence undoubtedly hastened the decision of Fray Verger to renounce the whole of the Peninsula, for the Concordat was signed early that month
(ibid. : 168, 212).
Perhaps the best statement of the Franciscan attitude at the time of the division is that of Palou himself, in a private report which he made to
Verger, dated February 12, 1772 (too late to affect the decision, though completely in accord with it). He states that in the three years and four
months that his order had been in charge, the number of Indians in the old missions decreased by 2055 (29 per cent) owing to epidemics, and "if it
goes on at this rate in a short time Old California will come to an end." Furthermore, a total of fifty-four missionaries would be needed, twenty-six
north and twenty-six south of Velicata, besides supernumeraries: a heavy charge for one College alone. Also should be considered the great harvest
which the College has awaiting it in the heathendom of Monterey: while from San Borja to Cape San Lucas [i.e., the Southern District of Lower
California] there is not a town in which the Faith can be newly propagated [and] ... these towns are not and never will be fit to be delivered to the
bishop, for the land is so poor that it does not yield enough for the natives to support a curate. Consequently, I believe it is best to make every
effort to give up these missions, and if the resignation is not accepted, at least to make it evident for the future that :we are stating beforehand
that they will never be fit to pass over to the bishop, so that it may not be said that the missions have been ruined by the missionaries of this
apostolic College.-Ibid.: 211-213.
Apparently Palou wanted Velicata to be the point of division between the two orders, but Verger, in order to get rid of the decadent missions of the
south, had to acquiesce to the reasonable Dominican demand for at least some new territory and the result was the boundary described above.
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4 The practice of employing only native Spaniards in the Dominican missions of California was continued later. At no time were eriollos (Mexican-born)
used. 5 For a full discussion of this boundary, see below, pp. 111-113.
6 An anonymous paper, dated August, 1773, quotes Portola, a member of the expeditions of 1769, as saying that he had never seen a country more
frightful than the Peninsula. The same paper emphasizes that Galvez had tried every means possible to get an income from Lower California, but had
failed utterly. Armona, in a letter of January 2,1771, states that "the Peninsula of California which was in my charge [as governor] appears to me a
Bank of Sand, from its narrowness, bareness and aridity." Bishop Diego writes on May 14, 1769, "De la California y sus riquezas, ya nada, nada se
espera, mas que la total ruin a de las Misiones, y misioneros." The Dominicans seemed unfamiliar with such pessimistic reports (Galvez Transcripts).
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THE ARRIVAL OF THE DOMINICANS
The difficulties connected with California, so fully appreciated by the Franciscans,(7) soon began to be experienced by the Dominicans. Even before
they had reached Loreto one of their vessels was shipwrecked, and three of the friars died, including their leader, Iriarte, who thus never set foot
on the shores of the land for whose control he had so persistently labored.(8) On May 12,1773, however, the last of the Dominicans reached Loreto and
the missions were turned over to Fray Vicente Mora, who had replaced Iriarte as president (Palou, 1874: 278-279).
The new Dominican field, as already noted, included the decadent area south of Velicata and the virgin territory north. Weare concerned with the
cultural landscape developed by the Dominicans on this northern frontier, or, as the early records call it, La Frontera.
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7 The announcement that they were to leave the Peninsula was received by the Franciscans in California with ringing of bells and a Mass giving thanks
to God (PaIau, 1874:255).
8 Sales (part 3:49-54) describes the terrible journey across the Gulf, and Palau (1874, chap. 32) the delays occasioned by it.
[Edited on 10-6-2013 by David K]
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Bajahowodd
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As someone who spent time in both a Dominican and Franciscan university, I appreciate your post.
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David K
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Thank you.
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liknbaja127
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thanks Dave Very cool reading! love the history you post.
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David K
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My pleasure... The Internet advances information and knowledge far beyond other methods, so getting this history to more people will benefit the
understanding of what happened in Baja, many years ago.
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academicanarchist
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Good morning David. Time to correct the historical record. The Dominicans were the second order to arrive in Mexico, and were number two in total
numbers. They only were not important staffing missions on the northern Frontier. They had exclusive responsibility for the doctrinas or missions in
Oaxaca, Chiapas, and Guatemala, and in the 16th to 18th century staffed missions in the larger Sierra Gorda region. They also staffed doctrinas in the
Valley of Mexico, Edo. de Mexico, Morelos, Puebla, and Queretaro. Here in Mexico City there is an impressive Sto DOmingo church built in the 18th
century to replace an earlier colonial structure, and across the street is the headquarters of the Mexican Inquisition that they ran.THe Dominicans
were also important in staffing the first university in Mexico City. In the 2nd half of the 16th century the Franciscans ceded central Mexican
doctrinas to the Dominicans and Augustinians, because they realized that they did not have enough personnel available. Because of their other
obligations in the Inquisition and education, and the large numbers of doctrinas in Oaxaca, Chiapas, and Guatemala, the Dominicans chose to not
participate in the expansion on the norther frontier, beyond their participation in the Sierra Gorda region. There is an important Dominican mission
in San Juan del Rio (Queretaro), that functioned as the base of operations for their missions in the Sierra Gorda. It dates to the late 17th century.
In September I revisited the Sierra Mixteca region of Oaxaca and photographed a number of the 16th century Dominican missions there. I have posted
some of my photos on the following blog:
http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=355929&pa...
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academicanarchist
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There are additional Oaxaca photos on this page of the same blog:
http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=355929&pa...
And photos of the Dominican doctrina at Oaxtepec (Morelos)
http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=355929&pa...
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Whale-ista
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"When there's blood in the streets, buy property."
Interesting report. Thank you for the history and vocabulary lesson . Makes me Wonder how the "heathendom" of Monterey (first capital of California)
earned that nomiker.
Weren't these primarily Spanish religious orders? Any thoughts of how the global politics of the time influenced these decisions and allocations of
resources while the 2 other major European powers (England, France) were dealing with problems of their own?
US and French revolutions may have impacted this Spanish push for expansion and change. Maybe the religious orders were taking advantage of the other
disputes and expanding their influence and land holdings while the resources of England and France were employed fighting wars or domestic problems vs
defending or acquiring more property in the new world.
\"Probably the airplanes will bring week-enders from Los Angeles before long, and the beautiful poor bedraggled old town will bloom with a
Floridian ugliness.\" (John Steinbeck, 1940, discussing the future of La Paz, BCS, Mexico)
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dtbushpilot
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Good read DK, thanks for posting.....
"Life is tough".....It's even tougher if you're stupid.....
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academicanarchist
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Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians were international orders, but the Spanish branch of all three worked closely in conjunction with the
Spanish Crown to further the social-religious policies of the Crown in Mexico and the other parts of Spanish America. There is a dynamic in Spanish
colonialism in America very distinct from that of France and England related, in part, to the type of native culture the Europeans encountered.
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David K
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Thank you academicanarchist for bumping up the thread with your take. Of course, we are focusing on Baja California, but the three Catholic Orders had
been operating on the mainland long before coming to the peninsula.
Whale-ista, welcome aboard the Good Ship History!
Loreto was the first capital of California... starting in 1697... Monterey was chosen to replace Loreto in 1776 and began serving in 1777. In 1804,
Alta California and Baja California were separated into two political regions. Loreto once again became capital, but of Baja California, until a
hurricane forced the capital to be moved to La Paz in 1830.
As for the meaning of this:
Also should be considered the great harvest which the College has awaiting it in the heathendom of Monterey
I believe he means the future converts to Christianity awaited the Franciscans in Alta California.
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Whale-ista
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Thanks David- It has always amazed me how the early origins of settlements/civilization persist over time and have tremendous influence that most
residents are unaware of. In Baja, consider the wines of Santo Thomas, starting in the 1700s, and the economic/cultural links to current wine
production in the region, which continues to stimulate local tourism/commerce.
These religious orders clearly understood long term economic development, they just didn't stick around long enough to enjoy it...or did they? How
active are these organizations in Ensenada and elsewhere today?
\"Probably the airplanes will bring week-enders from Los Angeles before long, and the beautiful poor bedraggled old town will bloom with a
Floridian ugliness.\" (John Steinbeck, 1940, discussing the future of La Paz, BCS, Mexico)
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David K
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Santo Tomás mission was founded in 1791, and moved twice... the final location is along Hwy. 1, on the east side of the road just as you enter town
(note tall palms)... just a few adobe wall pieces from 1799 or after.
Many of the missions tried to grow wine grapes and there is some description of wine making at San Javier, San Ignacio and Santa Gertrudis (where wine
casks were carved from solid rock)...
The mission system was shut down by the young Mexican government (these were instruments of Spain, after all). Baja was so remote from the rest of
Mexico that Mexico allowed the missions to continue to serve the natives... that is until the padre died or left his post.
Santo Tomás was the LAST mission to operate in Baja California when its padre gave up and left in 1849 (after one of his neophytes sold a mission
altarpiece to a passing 49er heading to the Alta California gold fields). I guess the wine was too good to leave any sooner!
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academicanarchist
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The religious orders are still in Mexico today, and some of the 16th century convents still house them. Here in Mexico City, for example, there are
Dominicans who reside in the ex-convent of Azcapotzalco. However, the liberal reform laws of the late 1850s and later confiscations in 1861 ended
their economic role.
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